The passage of the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2026, marks a watershed moment in India’s fiscal federalism. Passed by Parliament on 13 August 2026 and receiving Presidential assent on 17 August 2026, this legislation has ignited intense pushback from mineral-rich states. While political leaders from Kerala, Jharkhand, and Odisha have openly condemned the law as an encroachment on state autonomy, the quietest casualty of this shift may well be Telangana. Staring at a potentially massive fiscal deficit, the state is forced to evaluate the future of its non-tax revenues and the complex tax compliance issues arising from the new central mandates.
The Constitutional Clash and the Taxation Paradox
Under the Indian Constitution, the authority to regulate mines and tax mineral rights is distributed between the Union and the states through Entry 54 of the Union List, alongside Entries 23 and 50 of the State List. Crucially, land regulation remains a state subject under Entry 18, and state legislatures hold the exclusive, independent power to levy taxes on land under Entry 49.
This division of power was strongly upheld in 2024 by a landmark nine-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in the Mineral Area Development Authority case. The apex court ruled that mining royalty is not a tax, confirming that states possess the constitutional authority to tax mineral-bearing lands based on mineral yield or value. However, the court also acknowledged that Parliament could limit this power under Entry 50.
The MMDR Amendment Act, 2026, systematically neutralizes this state-level power. By inserting “and mineral-bearing lands” directly into Section 2 of the MMDR Act, the central government has brought these lands under its regulatory umbrella. More importantly, the newly introduced Section 9D of the Act prohibits state governments from imposing any independent tax, cess, or levy on mineral rights or mineral-bearing lands unless they strictly adhere to conditions prescribed by the Centre.
Deconstructing the Tax and Revenue Implications
To understand the gravity of this amendment, one must look closely at its tax compliance and revenue-generation realities. At least 40% of the economic impact of this law lies in how it restructures the collection of mineral levies. Historically, states have utilized cesses on mineral-bearing lands as a reliable, independent stream of non-tax revenue to fund infrastructure, local welfare, and environmental mitigation in mining zones. By centralizing the criteria for these levies, Section 9D strips states of their fiscal agility.
Furthermore, Section 9D(2) introduces a highly controversial retroactive clause. It invalidates any state-level mineral cesses that were levied but not fully collected prior to the commencement of the Act. This provision directly overrides the 2024 Supreme Court ruling, which had permitted states to recover past tax dues dating back to 1 April 2005.
For mining corporations, navigating this sudden invalidation of past liabilities requires a level of caution similar to managing complex multi-tax compliance and reconciliation across state and central jurisdictions. While mining companies may enjoy immediate relief from legacy tax demands, they face a highly unpredictable compliance landscape as states challenge the law’s validity. This statutory override of a Supreme Court ruling creates a dual-track accounting challenge, where accrued liabilities on corporate balance sheets must be reconciled against shifting central guidelines.
Telangana’s Rich Mineral Wealth and the Budgetary Threat
The stakes are exceptionally high for Telangana due to its vast geological reserves. The state is a major producer of both major minerals (such as coal, limestone, iron ore, and manganese) and minor minerals (including pink and black granite, quartz, feldspar, and the widely utilized Shahbad limestone slabs).
According to data from the state’s Mines and Geology Department, Telangana generated ₹5,507.72 crore in district-wise mineral revenues during the 2024-25 fiscal year. Excluding sand sales proceeds handled by the Telangana State Mineral Development Corporation (TSMDC), the core mineral revenue stood at ₹4,769.47 crore. Telangana’s Fiscal Policy Statement for 2026-27 highlights that royalties and seigniorage from minerals constitute a cornerstone of its non-tax revenue. In the 2023-24 fiscal year, the state collected ₹2,978.22 crore in royalties on major minerals, ₹1,088.74 crore on minor minerals, and ₹139.67 crore as cess from mineral-bearing lands.
This loss of independent mineral taxation capacity further exacerbates the state’s existing financial pressures, mirroring the challenges detailed in our analysis of state guarantees and fiscal strain in Telangana. Furthermore, the state’s 2026-27 budget estimated a revenue of ₹200 crore purely from the levy of cess on mineral-bearing lands—a projection that is now highly vulnerable under the central restrictions of Section 9D.
The Coal Factor: SCCL and the Centralization of Benefits
Coal remains the undisputed backbone of Telangana’s mineral economy, concentrated heavily in the state’s coal belt districts. In the 2024-25 fiscal year, coal revenue brought in ₹2,960.69 crore, representing over 53.7% of the state’s total mineral collections.
The vast majority of this coal is extracted by the Singareni Collieries Company Limited (SCCL), a historic state-owned enterprise in which the Government of Telangana holds a 51% controlling stake and the Government of India holds 49%. Between 2014-15 and 2018-19, SCCL paid ₹13,105.22 crore to the state government in royalties, taxes, and dividends, with ₹8,678.82 crore coming purely as royalty. Under the amended MMDR Act, Telangana’s ability to impose any additional cess on these coal-bearing lands is severely restricted, directly threatening its primary source of non-tax income.
This centralization of tax authority leaves states in a difficult position. While the central government dictates the terms of land use and tax limits, the states are left to bear the localized environmental, social, and displacement costs of mining. This imbalance makes it increasingly difficult for state planners who are currently navigating fiscal horizons and budget blueprints for upcoming financial years.
A Joint Legal Battle Looms
The administrative and financial fallout of the MMDR Amendment Act, 2026, has set the stage for a major legal battle. Senior Congress leadership has confirmed plans to file a joint petition in the Supreme Court on behalf of Telangana, Karnataka, and Kerala to challenge the constitutional validity of the amendment. Other states, such as Jharkhand—which estimates a massive revenue loss of ₹14,000 crore to its exchequer—are also preparing to seek judicial relief.
While Telangana has yet to issue an official public statement regarding the fiscal impact of the Act, the state’s heavy reliance on mineral revenues means it cannot afford to remain silent for long. As the legal battle unfolds, both state administrators and mining corporations must brace for a period of intense regulatory uncertainty and complex tax compliance adjustments.
Frequently Asked Questions
The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2026, received Presidential assent on 17 August 2026, after being passed by Parliament on 13 August 2026.
Section 9D prohibits state governments from imposing any independent tax, cess, or levy on mineral rights or mineral-bearing lands unless they comply with conditions prescribed by the central government. It also retroactively invalidates any state-level mineral cesses that were levied but not fully collected before the Act's commencement.
Telangana generated a total of ₹5,507.72 crore in district-wise mineral revenues in the 2024-25 fiscal year. Excluding sand sales proceeds from the Telangana State Mineral Development Corporation (TSMDC), the core mineral revenue was ₹4,769.47 crore.
The Singareni Collieries Company Limited (SCCL), which is jointly owned by the Government of Telangana (51% stake) and the Government of India (49% stake), drives the state's coal revenues, contributing ₹8,678.82 crore purely as royalty to the state between 2014-15 and 2018-19.



